helping

En España están hablando de nuevo de prohibir los anuncios de contacto con trabajadores sexuales - o prostitutas/os (y a veces conocidos como avisos de putas). Un artículo desde Tenerife expone los diversos argumentos pro y contra. El 20 Minutos acusa a los demás periódicos del proxenetismo. Malaprensa deconstuye cuidadosamente las cifras enormes siempre citadas sobre el número de prostitutas en España.

La voz de la libertad de expresión dice Partiendo de la base de que ejercer voluntariamente la prostitución no es delito en España, no veo ningún inconveniente en que una persona, haciendo uso de su libertad, se anuncie en un periódico para prestar ese servicio (Leopoldo Fernández Cabeza de Vaca).

Pero claro que la trata sí es ilegal y los que hacen campaña en contra de los anuncios argumentan que no son las trabajadoras sexuales las que se anuncian sino las mafias. El mismo presidente Zapatero se ha pronunciado en contra: no le conviene nada el hecho de que España es el único país de la Unión Europea que todavía permite que los periódicos dominantes-principales publiquen estos anuncios. Atrás está una feminista estatal, Bibiana Aído, ministra de la Igualdad. Es una historia emblemática de la Europa contemporánea.

Al mismo tiempo algo similar está pasando en Estados Unidos pero que tiene impacto para cualquier sitio con Internet - o sea, para todo el mundo. Craigslist, un enorme sitio web de anuncios clasificados, queda acusado del ‘tráfico’ por personas y fiscales estatales que creen que se está utilizando el servicio para explotar a los niños. Escribí sobre esto ayer.

What are we to make of this photograph? Who is saying HELP ME? Is this a men’s toilet or a women’s? Is the victim hidden behind the wall? There’s something fundamentally wrong with the grammar of this warning. And then Emma Thompson - is she identifying with the person crying help? or perhaps a bit nonplussed, or distracted by the dirtiness of the sink.

Here Emma is on surer ground: the correct response is dismay and disapproval that sexual acts could be written on a list with prices next to them. Unless it’s the prices that bother her - or the amounts of time. Do the men beside the movie star not look slightly uncomfortable? Of course the menu-price list is a fit-up invented by some intern who didn’t know how these things work.

Emma with Mr Costa of UNODC. Is that an anti-trafficking mural painted on the wavy metal wall? It turns out to be part of a giant installation. The fake bathroom and price list must be inside.

The big letters on top spell JOURNEY.

Here’s that picture from the front. Now it’s clearer that the viewer is being asked Is this sexy to you? At least I think so. But who is meant to answer? And what if some viewers’ response is Yes, in fact, I find it sexy ? Awkward.

My point is not to claim that trafficking is a joke or efforts to stop it always ridiculous but to suggest that many attempts at campaigning (these included) are confusing, non-educational and belittling to real victims. Or is the whole exercise simply meant to demonstrate a set of values for people who already share them?

Efforts to save migrants and prostitutes appear in fiction, too, and some authors have a fine-tuned sense of irony. In Magdalen Nabb’s Some Bitter Taste, Marshal Guarnaccia helps an Albanian prostitute to escape from her pimp, who is sent to jail. After living for a while with a nice ordinary man, Mario, the woman comes to Guarnaccia’s office to tell him his efforts to help her have failed:

-You’re the only person who’s ever been nice to me . . . so I wanted to tell you because if I don’t somebody else will. You’re bound to find out. I’m going back on the game.

- What? You’re what? And Mario?

- Oh, Mario . . . Jesus . . . I mean, he trotted off every morning at a quarter to eight and I was supposed to clean up his crumbs and wipe the floor over and then he’d come trotting back again and I was supposed to have the water boiling for his pasta and then it was one long whinge - there are no clean shirts, have you seen the fluff under this bed? Where’s the other sock to this? You’ve forgotten to get milk again . . . No, no, I couldn’t stand the boredom. So I upped and offed.

- Back to Ilir?

- Why not? He’s out now and he wants me back. Nobody ever earned him as much as me and he kept me in style. We ate in a restaurant every night. I like a good time and I get clients who give me a good time, you know what I mean? I like champagne and a few presents. I’m not spending the rest of my young life washing the floor of some poky little kitchen for a boring spotty clerk who thinks he’s earned the right to have his socks washed for a lifetime because he’s been good enough to save me from the streets.

- But what about when you’re not young anymore?

- Well, it’s all over then, isn’t it? Get it while you can, I say. I just . . . I wanted to tell you myself. It’s not that I’m not grateful to you. I know you meant well. Are you pissed off with me? You are, aren’t you?

-No, no . . .

- You’ve every right to be. I’d better go. I’m sorry. Because of you, I mean, not that little prick Mario, only because of you. I know you did your best.

Carve it on my tombstone, thought the marshal, watching her leave through a skein of cigarette smoke.

p 309

A woman who sold sex from home along with colleagues goes on trial in the UK for brothel-keeping. This charge is possible when laws are written to discourage people from exploiting others for gain, living off immoral earnings and a host of other vague conditions. The sex worker in question, Claire Finch, alternated shifts with a couple of colleagues so that no one was ever alone:  ‘My main thing is safety. It’s not safe to work on your own. With two of us you had back up, you had camaraderie.’ Since she was raided she has had to work alone.

So prostitutes must work alone; they may use no management or support services; share no workplace; enjoy no collegial relationships. Only independent workers are to be respected even minimally. The contradictions of such laws are simply bizarre.

The story behind the trial and further comments are from the ECP:

On 19 November 2008, 20 uniformed police officers from Kempston Economic Crime Unit, kicked in Ms Finch’s front door and searched every room in the house including Ms Finch’s personal belongings, taking over £700 from her purse that had been put aside to pay the mortgage. Her laptop computer, mobile phone, driving licence and passport were also taken. No receipt was given.

Brothel-keeping charges were introduced in 1956. Since Proceeds of Crime legislation (reinforced by the Policing and Crime Act), raids and prosecutions against women working from premises have escalated. Police and prosecutors have a vested interest: the police keep 25% of any assets confiscated both at the time and from subsequent prosecutions (50% in some areas); the Crown Prosecution Service keeps another 25%; and the Inland Revenue the rest. Even if no one is charged, the money is rarely returned. Women who have worked for years to put money aside lose not only their livelihood but their home, car, life savings, jewellery, etc.

Finch’s case contradicts the Crown Prosecution Service’s obligation to consider the public interest when considering charge. Public-interest considerations for brothel-keeping charges are:

To encourage prostitutes to find routes out of prostitution and to deter those who create the demand for it

A criminal conviction is the biggest obstacle to leaving prostitution.

To keep prostitutes off the street to prevent annoyance to members of the public

Ms Finch’s neighbours have no complaints and are coming to court to support her. Closing down premises drives women onto the street where it is ten times more dangerous to work.

To prevent people leading or forcing others into prostitution

All the women were working consensually and independently. There was no force, coercion, violence or trafficking.

To penalise those who organise prostitutes and make a living from their earnings.

There was no profiteering. Everyone worked collectively and shared expenses.

Generally, the more serious the incident, the more likely a prosecution will be required

While time and money are going into prosecuting Ms Finch, the investigation of rape and other violence continues to be downgraded. Public opinion opposes women being criminalised for working collectively and consensually.

The age of the prostitute and the position of those living off the earnings will be relevant

All the women working with Ms Finch were over forty, mature women able “to make their own minds up. They’re not being hoodwinked.” Ms Finch has said that as a mother, working with inexperienced younger women “would not sit morally well with me.”

The case is to be tried at Luton Crown Court, 9.30, Monday 26 April to Thursday 29 April.

This poster was made by migrant sex workers (by their own definition) in Chiang Mai, Thailand, at the EMPOWER centre. I have posted it twice before but so many people are still ignorant about this point of view that I’m going to keep re-running it. See for yourself the reasons workers at Barn Su Funn Brothel gave for denouncing raids and rescue operations intended to liberate them, whether rescuers are police officers, ngo employees or charity workers:

• We lose our savings and our belongings.
• We are locked up.
• We are interrogated by many people.
• They force us to be witnesses.
• We are held until the court case.
• We are held till deportation.
• We are forced re-training.
• We are not given compensation by anybody.
• Our family must borrow money to survive while we wait.
• Our family is in a panic.
• We are anxious for our family.
• Strangers visit our village telling people about us.
• The village and the soldiers cause our family problems.
• Our family has to pay ‘fines’ or bribes to the soldiers.
• We are sent home.
• Military abuses and no work continues at home.
• My family has a debt.
• We must find a way back to Thailand to start again.

The poster brings us close to a situation many people doubt: that poorer migrants selling sex often prefer to continue what they’re doing to being forcibly rescued by people on anti-trafficking crusades. This is not to cast doubt on many helpers’ good intentions or the genuine rescue of some individuals. But it shows how rescue agents haven’t consulted the prostitutes they want to save first, to find out whether they want to be helped and, if they do, what kind of help would actually be helpful. The poster makes it clear that cutting migrant women off from their source of income has drastic consequences for themselves and their families.

This does not mean that they or I deny the existence of abusive practices inflicted during smuggling and trafficking operations. It means that an ideological stance that claims all migrants doing sex work have been victims of such practices is wrong.

During my 15 years of researching this subject, I have met migrants of myriad nationalities, in many countries, in bars, brothels, shelters, ngo offices, streets, clubs and houses. Some had had bad experiences, some had not recovered from them yet, some were getting on with the next stage of their lives, some enjoyed doing sex work, many had adapted to it as the best option of the moment. For those who want to read more about it, my book Sex at the Margins has lots of details.

Thanks once more to the Asia-Pacific Network of Sex Workers for sending this photo.

On the left you see the now common phenome- non of nicely dressed women attempting to save naked Other women from the chains of sex slavery. In England and Wales, the Policing and Crime bill that just came into effect says it will help stop trafficking like this:

On 1 April 2010, it will become an offence to pay for sex with someone who has been forced, threatened, exploited or otherwise coerced or deceived into providing the sexual services by someone else who has engaged in such conduct for gain. If convicted of the offence you could face a fine of up to £1,000, a court summons and a criminal record and risk having your name mentioned in newspapers. It will be no defence for a person to say that they did not know the prostitute was being forced or threatened.

The last sentence is known as a strict liability defence, invoked in situations the law believes to be ‘inherently dangerous’, which is how the British government now views prostitution, in a breath-taking reproduction of all the worst cliches generalised to ‘most’ and ‘many’ women who sell sex (and, as usual, only to women):

Most women involved in street-based prostitution are not there through choice. They are among the most vulnerable people in our society. Nearly all prostitutes are addicted to drugs or alcohol. Many of them have been trafficked into the country by criminals, and are held against their will. Many were abused as children, and many are homeless. Kerb crawlers, on the other hand, have a choice. Men who pay for sex are indirectly supporting drug dealers and organised crime groups, and funding violence and abuse. They are fuelling the exploitation of women by creating the demand for prostitution.

Most commentators object to how the law unfairly affects maids, managers and other conventionally employed people who work in sex venues without selling sex themselves - as well as unfairly condemning sex workers to constant aloneness. The law is also unworkable as a way to stop trafficking, as I wrote in The Guardian at an early stage of the bill:

The police will have to identify the real trafficked victims in order to identify customers at fault – a notoriously difficult enterprise. In a few high-profile cases, self-identified victims name and help find their exploiters, and sometimes these traffickers are successfully prosecuted. But these cases are few and far between. More often it is difficult to point to migrants who knew nothing about their future jobs, who agreed to nothing about their illicit travels and who are willing to denounce perpetrators who may be family or former friends and lovers.

The editors almost instantly hid the piece where it wouldn’t be seen.

Last year I contributed comments and resources to a UNAIDS paper written to support discussion for their Thematic Segment on People on the Move—Forced Displacement and Migrant Populations. The paper gives basic information on types of movement and links between mobility and HIV vulnerability, including how to achieve universal access to HIV prevention, treatment, care and support. ‘The paper points out that mobile people and international migrants are diverse, ranging from highly educated and high-earning professionals, to low-earning unskilled and exploited labourers. Although very different circumstances may drive migration and mobility, it is not mobility per se, but the conditions under which people move—and the ways they are treated throughout the migration cycle—pre-departure, in transit, at destinations and upon return—that most determine their vulnerabilities, which in turn affect their risks of acquiring HIV.’

This language and tone are to be celebrated, departing as they do from the usual crude separation assumed to exist between a freely-choosing middle class that always travels happily versus a downtrodden, forced poor that ‘migrates’, often unhappily. The paper is available as People on the move – forced displacement and migrant populations

I’m pleased that a boxed highlight in the report called Mobile sex workers reads pretty straightforwardly (no heavy emphasis on victimhood) and refers to clients without demonising them.

Sex workers are highly mobile both within and across national borders. Documented and undocumented migration for sex work often occurs between neighbouring countries, but there is also considerable inter-regional movement. The migration and mobility of sex workers can significantly increase their vulnerability to HIV and sexually transmitted infections. Many migrant and mobile sex workers, especially those who are undocumented, are excluded from basic education, legal and public health-care systems, and are vulnerable to violence and other forms of abuse from customers, criminal gangs and corrupt law enforcement officials, with little or no social or legal support and protection. In addition, migrant sex workers face additional cultural and linguistic barriers that adversely impact upon their ability to access local services and support networks. To reduce HIV risk and vulnerability for mobile and migrant sex workers there are key actions that need to be funded and implemented for all sex workers irrespective of their gender (women, men, transgender) or legal status. These include access to HIV prevention and treatment services, comprehensive sexual and reproductive health services, legal information and advice and necessary social services. To support these services, training of healthservice providers and law enforcement agencies addressing stigma, discrimination and violence needs to be developed along with occupational health and safety standards to make sex work safer.

Clients of sex workers are also highly mobile and their behaviour determines epidemic speed and severity (Commission on AIDS in Asia, 2008). Currently, few programmes target clients directly to promote safer sexual behaviour. Such programmes should: be provided in the workplace (where appropriate); be based on the different settings where sex work occurs; provide clients with information to protect sex workers, their regular sexual partners and themselves from HIV and other sexually transmitted infections; emphasize client responsibility to treat sex workers with dignity and respect; and incorporate approaches to eliminate genderbased violence in the context of sex work.

‘How do you convince me to come out and say I am a homosexual yet the same government that is asking me to do this criminalizes what I am engaged in? I would rather they offered the services without going into the business of knowing who we are and trying to count us.’

Stigma for homosexuals is strong in Kenya, as this earlier story showed. The issue in these excerpts is the government’s belief that before it can provide HIV-prevention services to these men they have to be identified, surveyed and counted. But, as often happens, those to be researched don’t want to have to identify themselves to authorities when homosexuality is against the law in Kenya. Seems obvious, no?

Kenya: New survey to inform HIV programming for MSM

Photo IRIN

Irin Plus News
10 November 2009

Nairobi: A planned national survey of men who have sex with men (MSM) will be the first step in the government’s plan to incorporate this high-risk group into the country’s HIV programme, a senior government official has said. “We have continued to ignore this group of people yet they are responsible for a big chunk of new HIV infections; we have resolved as a government that we cannot sit back and wait for things to get out of hand,” said Nicholas Muraguri, head of the National AIDS and Sexually transmitted infections Control Programme (NASCOP). . . .

HIV programming for MSM is extremely limited despite the country’s national strategic plan for HIV/AIDS classing them as a “most at-risk population”. “We cannot do this [provide HIV programmes for MSM] without knowing roughly how many they are and what special needs they require; I hope the survey that we will embark on will help us answer some of these questions,” Muraguri said.

He noted that the survey - due to start in December and last six months - will attempt to discover information such as the specific sexual health risks and needs of MSM, MSM “hot spots” around the country, and the number of MSM-friendly health facilities available. It will use respondent-driven sampling, recruiting openly gay men to reach out to other MSM who may not be out of the closet, and using existing MSM-friendly facilities to help conduct the research. . . .

Joshua* is a male commercial sex worker in Nairobi who recently received training from NASCOP on reaching out to his peers with HIV/AIDS messages. “Today I talked to 75 male commercial sex workers - 40 of them are HIV-positive but they do not know what to do,” he told IRIN/PlusNews. “Many are homeless after being kicked out of their homes due to stigma.” Joshua hopes the survey will enable the government and NGOs to provide more services to MSM.

“Currently at a clinic in Nairobi, we are given one bottle of [water-based] lubricant to last three months but you know as a commercial sex worker, you finish it in a week,” he added. “So it means for the remaining time, you engage in sex without the lubricant, putting yourself at great risk.”

He noted that there was also a lack of sufficient knowledge about the risks associated with HIV and anal sex in the general population. “Many women [clients] approach us for anal sex wrongly believing that it lowers their chances of getting infected,” he said. “Everybody should be educated on the dangers of this kind of sex because it seems people have the wrong perception.”

However, not all MSM are as enthusiastic about the prospect of being counted and questioned by a government that has thus far shown little support for the rights of MSM. “People in this country are still very homophobic and we are stigmatized a lot; who will want to come out to agree that he is a homosexual? Let them address issues of stigma first,” said Donald*, who has not come out of the closet. “How do you convince me to come out and say I am a homosexual yet the same government that is asking me to do this criminalizes what I am engaged in?”

“I would rather they offered the services without going into the business of knowing who we are and trying to count us,” he added. Read the rest of this entry »

Susanne Møller, SIO

Sex workers in Denmark are protesting a campaign against prostitution during the UN Climate Change Conference. The city of Copenhagen wants to discourage delegates from buying sex, despite the fact that it is perfectly legal there and has nothing to do with climate change. The sex workers’ interest group, SIO (Sexarbejdernes Interesseorganisation), was not consulted and so, annoyed, they are offering free sex to any conference delegate who turns in his ridiculous postcard (see below), which also went to 160 hotels. 

This is sheer discrimination. Ritt Bjerregaard is abusing her position as Lord Mayor in using her power to prevent us carrying out our perfectly legal job. I don’t understand how she can be allowed to contact people in this way. - SIO Spokeswoman Susanne Møller

The unfounded idea at the bottom of the city’s campaign is that prostitution increases enormously when big events come to town and therefore trafficking and exploitation must. Meanwhile, legal businesses are punished. The below Norwegian story focuses on SIO’s ideas. 

Derfor tilbyr Susanne gratis sex 

Pål Nordseth, 7 december 2009, Dagbladet.no

Susanne Møller, prostituert i København og talskvinne for Sexarbejdernes Interesseorganisation (SIO), sier deres kampanje under det kommende klimatoppmøtet er et svar på det de oppfatter som årelang hets fra kommunens side. Ved å framvise offisielt akkrediteringskort for FN-møtet, samt et postkort fra kommunenes anti-prostitusjonskampanje, vil delegatene kunne benytte seg av 79 organiserte sexarbeidere helt gratis.

Vi gjør dette for å skape oppmerksomhet om et problem: At København kommune under toppmøtet profilerer seg selv på bekostning av en helt lovlig bransje. Dette rammer sexarbeiderne, som ikke er blitt rådspurt på forhånd, sier Møller til Dagbladet.

Nekter for toppmøte-oppsving
Mens både Norge og Sverige har kriminalisert sexkjøp, er det fortsatt legalt å betale prostituerte for sex i Danmark. Susanne Møller avviser blankt at sexmarkedet i København får et oppsving under store internasjonale hendelser i byen, slik det hevdes i kommunens behandling av anti- prostitusjonskampanjen.

Dette er helt udokumenterte påstander. Vi lever av våre faste kunder, og kommer det noen ekstra til under slike møter, er det ikke noe vi legger merke til. . . Selv om det var slik, er det feil å se på det som et problem. Om delegatene har sex eller ikke under toppmøtet, er det en privat sak. Det vi gjør er helt legalt og skader ingen, og som alle andre forretningsdrivende ønsker vi selvfølgelig flere kunder og bedre omsetning. Jeg synes det er forkastelig, det kommunen gjør. De innfører sin helt egen kriminalisering, legger hun til.

Talskvinna sier så drastiske tiltak som å tilby gratis sex er nødvendig for at de prostituerte skal kunne nå fram med sitt budskap.

Kommunens mål er å få en prostitusjonsfri by. Toppmøtekampanjen er bare et ledd i det som har vært en årelang hets av sexarbeidere. Vi går gjerne i dialog med kommunen, men har så langt ikke hørt fra dem. Heller ikke at vi gikk ut med vår motkampanje. - Susanne Møller

Here’s a beautiful example of a protest with red umbrellas, symbol of sex worker rights used here by students in Rome in front of Berlusconi’s residence. As in many such demonstrations in Europe these days, alliances are sought between those concerned about ever more precarious employment (not least for students), migrants and people who sell sex. Here protesters refer overtly to government measures that force women to be either victims or a social problem policymakers have to Do Something about. Yet another bill is proposed in Italy to suppress street prostitution, this time of course in the name of criminalising trafficking and exploitation. At the end of the video note the struggle between larger male security types and smaller female protesters on a narrow street: Cinematic.

Escort sauvage…Non c’è casa più chiusa di Palazzo Grazioli

27 November 2009

Oggi 100 donne, studentesse, precarie, migranti hanno manifestato di fronte a Palazzo Grazioli contro il ddl Carfagna e il blocco alla commercializzazione della RU486, approvato ieri dalla commissione salute del Senato. Nonostante l’inutile aggressività della polizia le donne sono riuscite ad aprire uno striscione con su scritto: “NESSUNA CASA E’ PIU CHIUSA DI PALAZZO GRAZIOLI. NO ALLA LEGGE CARFAGNA”. Rossetti rossi e ombrelli rossi, simbolo internazionale delle sexworkers, sono stati i simboli scelti per comunicare la nostra solidarietà alle prostitute di strada che con la nuova proposta di legge rischiano l’arresto. Tra gli slogan “Ma quali Escort, ma che moralità, vogliamo diritti in tutte le città”, “Basta ipocrisia, basta sfruttamento, libere di scegliere in ogni momento”. L’azione ha voluto denunciare le politiche di governo e parlamento contro la libertà di scegliere delle donne, che si concretizzano in misure e proposte di legge che in nome della sicurezza perimetrano la nostra libertà e controllano i nostri corpi.

Il comunicato

La giornata mondiale contro la violenza sulle donne in Italia cade nel pieno del secondo scandalo di “sesso e potere” dell’anno. Dopo le escort di Berlusconi arrivano le trans di Marrazzo.
E le imbarazzanti rivelazioni sui meccanismi di reclutamento delle donne interni alla PDL e per le cariche elettive e di governo lasciano il posto all’ennesimo mistero italiano, l’omicidio di Brenda, in cui potere politico, criminalità organizzata e carabinieri si sovrappongono e confondono in un quadro inquietante.

Ma non sono serviti gli scandali e le rivelazioni sulle abitudini, i gusti e la propensione al sesso a pagamento di alcuni suoi eminenti rappresentanti a costringere la classe politica italiana ad abbandonare le ipocrisie e a fare i conti con la realtà.

Mentre l’opposizione, bacchettona e morbosa, inorridisce di fronte alle frequentazioni tanto di Berlusconi che di Marrazzo e lancia la crociata anti-Berlusconi parallelamente alle purghe interne, abbiamo una maggioranza di governo che fa passare con la solita scusa della sicurezza la legge Carfagna contro la prostituzione, il cui leader Berlusconi rivendica per sè il diritto alla privacy. La libertà è di tutti e non solo delle alte cariche dello stato: se Palazzo Grazioli è zona franca, allora entriamo noi!

La legge Carfagna, anticipata dalle ordinanza dei sindaci, vuole apparentemente essere un intervento punitivo contro lo sfruttamento della prostituzione, ma in realtà, invece che punire gli sfruttatori, colpisce solo le prostitute di strada e i loro clienti con l’arresto, additandole tra i nemici pubblici numero uno. Lungi dal contrastare la tratta delle migranti spesso minorenni, costringe le prostitute a ritornare alle case chiuse – bandite dalla legge Merlin del 1958 – luoghi di ghettizzazione, sfruttamento e violenza fuori da qualsiasi visibilità e controllo. Molto più utile sarebbe abolire lo status di clandestinità, condizione sine qua non dello sfruttamento sessuale e non delle e dei migranti.

Tutto questo accade mentre le statistiche parlano di una fetta sempre più ampia della popolazione maschile che ricorre al sesso a pagamento. In più il caso D’Addario ha reso esplicito che la prostituzione non è fatta soltanto di sfruttamento e costrizione ma può essere una libera scelta per quanto per alcuni difficile da comprendere.

Nel momento in cui le prostitute e i loro clienti hanno avuto tale e tanto “autorevole” visibilità ci saremmo aspettate maggior rispetto per delle lavoratrici e maggior onestà nell’ammettere che non si può punire e condannare pubblicamente ciò di cui si gode nel privato delle proprie case.

Infine, apprendiamo con indignazione che ieri la commissione salute del Senato ha votato un documento che pone il veto alla commercializzazione della RU486, la pillola abortiva al centro del più ampio dibattito sulla libertà di scelta. Le inquietanti motivazioni di tale voto sono l’ennesima testimonianza di come ad avere la giusta rilevanza non sia il tema della tutela della salute fisica e psicologica e della libertà delle donne ma, al contrario, la necessità di costruire sempre più capillari e intrusive pratiche di controllo sui nostri corpi.

No al reato di clandestinità
No alle case chiuse
No alla segregazione e allo sfruttamento
Per il diritto di scegliere della propria vita e sul proprio corpo
Verità per Brenda
Libertà, diritti e dignità per tutt@
Studentesse e precarie in solidarietà con le sex workers